By Peter Kenez
An exam of political, social and cultural advancements within the Soviet Union. The e-book identifies the social tensions and political inconsistencies that spurred radical switch within the govt of Russia, from the flip of the century to the revolution of 1917. Kenez envisions that revolution as a drawback of authority that posed the query, 'Who shall govern Russia?' this query was once resolved with the construction of the Soviet Union. Kenez lines the improvement of the Soviet Union from the Revolution, throughout the Twenties, the years of the recent financial guidelines and into the Stalinist order. He indicates how post-Stalin Soviet leaders struggled to discover how you can rule the rustic with out utilizing Stalin's tools but in addition with no overtly repudiating the prior, and to barter a relaxed yet antipathetic coexistence with the capitalist West. during this new version, he additionally examines the post-Soviet interval, tracing Russia's improvement as much as the current day.
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An exam of political, social and cultural advancements within the Soviet Union. The e-book identifies the social tensions and political inconsistencies that spurred radical swap within the govt of Russia, from the flip of the century to the revolution of 1917. Kenez envisions that revolution as a quandary of authority that posed the query, 'Who shall govern Russia?
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Additional info for A History of the Soviet Union
Of these issues, the question of participation in the war was the most immediate and difﬁcult. Russia’s educated and privileged classes and the great masses of the people had different concepts of patriotism. The peasant soldiers were tired of ﬁghting in a war that was dragging on for the third year, with no end in sight. The concept of national interest, dear to the hearts of the liberals, made little sense to them. They did not much care about making Constantinople Russian, or about the sanctity of international treaties.
The April events proved that the provisional government could not act without the explicit support of the Petrograd Soviet. The next crisis came in June, when Kerensky initiated a major and illconsidered offensive. He had two motives: first, the Russian High Command before the February revolution had promised the allies that it would undertake active military operations to facilitate a long-expected breakthrough on the Western front. Second, he recalled the experience of the French Revolution, when the troops of democratic France fought successfully against the coalition of autocratic states; he believed that a successful offensive would help to rekindle the ﬁghting spirit in the army.
These men had to be forced or cajoled into the service of an ideology that they in almost all instances found distasteful. Furthermore, the policy entailed risks: it created indignation among some old communists, and the ofﬁcers were by no means fully reliable. Treason was a constant danger. Yet Trotsky was correct: only a disciplined force, led by professional men, could defeat the enemy. By the end of the civil war the Bolsheviks, using extensive propaganda in addition to conscription, had built an army of ﬁve million – incomparably larger than the combined forces of their enemies.
A History of the Soviet Union by Peter Kenez